The Promise and Pitfalls of Contemporary Planning

CRP 2000

Metro Manila II: Localities in Metro Manila Slums

By Allen T. Navasero

Part I: How Metro Manila Slums Came to Be

Defining and Maintaining Localities

In the midst of the informal nature of slums, organizations and a means of informal social infrastructure must exist within such communities. A locality therefore, is a term used to describe such a social infrastructure organically created. Berner and Korf have pointed out that, as ‘the majority if of the population [of slum communities] have no direct links to the elites of the city or the state’, slum residents, ‘as a basis for whatever limited protection of their interests’, ‘have to develop social agency and become groups themselves [separate from the state and city government]’ (Berner and Korff 1995).  According to Dickens ‘the concept of locality is linking the ways in which people interact with one another, with the physical environment, and how they articulate their experiences’ (Dickens 1990). It is often surprising to uncover the efficiency of organization such localities in slum areas provide, given the lack of formalized state government and individuals without higher education leading such localities.

Such localities indeed protect the local interests of slum residents, particularly from eviction threats. A prominent scholar, Beauregard sees localities as ‘struggles against capitalism and its agents’ (Beauregard 1988). For example, when landowners were threatening to evict over 200 residents of the Balic Balic slum community in Metro Manila by committing arson to one of the residential buildings, members of the community locality organized fire patrol units to monitor the community at night and further prevent such attacks (Berner and Korff 1995).

The organizational output of such a cohesive and organic community locality goes far beyond fire patrol teams.  The Western audiences may think that because slums are informal communities, one may simply walk into an existing slum community and build his or her own dwelling. This is not the case however, particularly with slums studied in the Metro Manila area. Here, Berner and Korff have found that ‘alternative developers’ or ‘squatter syndicates’ exist. Such syndicates regulate and control land use within slum localities, as many localities do not have boundaries formalized by the City Government.

Moreover, another example of organic organization by slum localities is the advertising of rooms available for rent within the locality to and through relatives (both distant and closely related) who live outside of the Metro Manila area (Berner and Korff 1995).

In this way, it can be seen that residents of such informal slum communities have little access to major forms of communication. Their means of communication are restricted ‘to the local level’ and are therefore prevented from creating ‘overarching symbols and a strategic, extensive scope of action’ which ultimately is the key to helping localities maintain their efficient and minimalist means of communications.

Life Within the Localities

Courtesy of http://static.guim.co.uk

Courtesy of http://static.guim.co.uk

Indeed, Western society may be generally surprised when uncovering what life is like in the slum localities of Metro Manila. Such surprises may come in tandem with the words of Jane Jacobs, who describes an area deemed a ‘slum area’ by the Boston City Government as a bright, safe, and vibrant community.

Within the Looban slum community in Metro Manila, ‘residents feel safe and comfortable’ as it is ‘their space’, where ‘the environment is familiar’ and the ‘faces and personalities are well known’, it is where ‘events are predictable and activities regular’ (Berner and Korff 1995). As such, residents of the slum community ‘often mention the practical purpose of security, for squatter houses built of light materials can be easily penetrated by burglars and thieves’ (ibid).

Such social organization within localities is further illustrated by the predictable social patterns of women, who often bond and form friendships within the community through domestic tasks, whilst men often form friendships with other men in such communities through leisurely drink (ibid).

General Western society will be even more surprised to hear, however, of the commercial kidney trafficking market prevalent in a number of Metro Manila slum localities (Yea 2010).

When Formal Government and Informal Localities Collide, A Solution

Courtesy of http://i.dailymail.co.uk

Courtesy of http://i.dailymail.co.uk

Given the complex social organization that exists in Metro Manila slum localities without formal regulation, it is indeed not a viable option to simply evict the members of such slum communities- and to destroy their settlements. Many settlements have lasted for over 20 years. A wicked problem exists between the interests of corrupt landowners, and of slum residents of whom simply seek a higher quality and more stimulating life away from the countryside.

Ultimately, I predict that the ultimate solution rests within simply giving such localities legal ownership of their land, and providing further educational assistance to aid their remarkable social and community development.

Courtesy of http://healingeye.files.wordpress.com

Courtesy of http://healingeye.files.wordpress.com

Uplifting Women of Metro-Manila Localities

 

Berner, Erhard, and Korff Rüdiger. “Globalization and Local Resistance: The Creation of Localities in Manila and Bangkok.” Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers . (1995): 208-220. Print.

Yea, Sallie. “Trafficking in part(s): The commercial kidney market in Manila slum, Philippines.” Sage Publications. (2010): 358-375. Web. 23 Oct. 2013.

 

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